On February 8, 2025, after a period of tough negotiations and sectarian tensions, the Lebanese government led by Prime Minister Nawaf Salam was finally formed. The process, described as a “difficult birth,” highlighted the deep divisions and conflicting interests among Lebanon’s political and religious groups. Against a backdrop of economic collapse, social unrest, and regional pressures, the formation of this government was seen as a critical yet fragile step toward addressing the country’s mounting crises.
The cabinet lineup was as follows:
- Nawaf Salam: Prime Minister
- Tarek Mitri: Deputy Prime Minister
- Michel Mansi: Minister of Defense
- Ahmed Al-Hajjar: Minister of Interior
- Youssef Raji: Minister of Foreign Affairs
- Yassin Jaber: Minister of Finance
- Ghassan Salame: Minister of Culture
- Laura Khazen Lahoud: Minister of Tourism
- Kamal Shehadeh: Minister of Displaced Persons
- Nora Berberian: Minister of Sports
- Rima Karami: Minister of Education
- Adel Nassar: Minister of Justice
- Rakan Nasser El-Din: Minister of Health
- Mohammad Haidar: Minister of Labor
- Joe Sadek: Minister of Energy
- Amer Al-Bassat: Minister of Economy
- Charles Hajj: Minister of Telecommunications
- Joe Issa El-Khoury: Minister of Industry
- Fayez Rassamny: Minister of Public Works
- Nizar Al-Hani: Minister of Agriculture
- Fadi Maki: Minister of Administrative Development
- Tamara El-Zein: Minister of Environment
- Hanin Al-Sayed: Minister of Social Affairs
- Paul Marqos: Minister of Information
Sunni Representation in Lebanon: A Growing Population, a Shrinking Political Voice
This means that Sunni representation in the government is around 16% of the total cabinet. Over the last ten years, Sunni representation has stayed between 16% and 20%. However, it’s important to note that the Sunni Muslim population in Lebanon has grown to 46% as of 2022, according to voter registration lists. This shows a clear gap between their population size and their political representation.
What does this mean?
In Lebanon, all major sects and political parties have managed to secure a significant portion of ministerial positions, with the exception of one sect, which remains underrepresented. This indicates that the exclusion of this group is intentional. It raises questions about the supporters of the “17 October revolution” that demanded a complete overhaul of Lebanon’s political system. Which sect or group accepted these demands? Who announced the resignation of their government at the time, boycotted elections, and called for early parliamentary elections? And last but not least Was the revolution the beginning of the exclusion of Sunnis?
Reasons for the Imbalance
In Lebanon, political representation is based on the size of each sect. However, the lack of official state statistics on the population of each sect has disrupted the sectarian balance and created ambiguity.
As mentioned earlier, the distribution of sects in Lebanon is as follows:
- Muslims make up about 60% of the population (Sunni, Shia, Druze, Ismailis, Alawites, and Nusayris).
- Christians account for 39% (Maronite Catholics, Greek Orthodox, Melkite Catholics, Armenian Orthodox, Syriac Catholics, Armenian Catholics, Syriac Orthodox, and Greek Protestants).
- The remaining 1% belong to other religious groups.
Among Muslims, the distribution is approximately:
- 46% Sunni
- 44% Shia
- 8% Druze
- 2% Alawites
(According to UNRWA)
Does this mean that nearly half of Lebanon’s population is left with only crumbs in terms of ministerial representation?
Key Factors Leading to Marginalization
- A shortage of experienced and skilled leaders among past Sunni representatives.
Many Sunni politicians in the past have been seen as lacking the experience, competence, and strategic insight needed to effectively represent their community. This has made it harder for them to negotiate and secure a fair share of power in Lebanon’s divided political system. - Political parties focused on their own power, often ignoring the needs of other groups.
Some parties in Lebanon have been more interested in holding onto power than ensuring fair representation for all sects. This has left smaller or less influential communities, including Sunnis, with less of a voice in decisions that affect them. - Internal divisions within Sunni parties, where personal interests come before the community’s needs.
Sunni political groups have often been split by internal conflicts, with leaders prioritizing their own ambitions over the greater good. This lack of unity has weakened their ability to stand together and effectively advocate for their community’s interests on the national stage.
Consequences of This Imbalance
In Lebanon, one of the largest sects is being left out of political decisions, which means many people don’t have a say in the government. This makes people frustrated and lose trust in the state. They end up turning to sectarian leaders or non-governmental organizations for help.
When conflicts continue, tensions between different sects grow, leading to more violence. This environment allows extremist ideas to spread, which poses security threats.
When people feel left out politically and socially, they feel a deep sense of injustice. This can make them intolerant and eager to defend their sect or rights. Extremist groups take advantage of these feelings, presenting themselves as protectors, which leads to more hatred, intolerance, and extremist groups.
Here are some ways political forces in Lebanon try to weaken the influence of a particular sect:
- Demographics: They might try to change the population balance by forcing people to move, putting economic pressure on them, or limiting their involvement in economic and political life.
- Geography: They could divide regions in a way that isolates certain areas from each other, preventing them from growing their influence.
- Politics: They might limit access to high-ranking government positions or make laws that prevent fair representation in parliament and other official institutions.
These strategies can create divisions and tensions, making it harder for people to work together and trust the government.
Throughout Lebanon’s political history, there have always been power struggles between different sects. Some groups try to dominate the political system through internal and external alliances. They might divide sects from within by supporting certain individuals to create splits. They also use regional and international influence to boost their interests at the expense of others. Additionally, they manipulate election laws to ensure long-term political dominance over competing sects and exploit economic and security situations to weaken their rivals and divert attention from their plans.
five Women in Cabinet: A Small Step Toward Gender Equality
Despite all, The new cabinet now has 5 women ministers. The appointment of five women to Lebanon’s new cabinet is a small but important step toward having more women in politics. This progress is good, but it doesn’t fully show the important role women play in society. True equality will need bigger changes, like setting quotas, to make sure women have a strong voice in shaping Lebanon’s future.
In the end
the Sunni Muslim crisis is unacceptable. Not representing one of the largest sects in Lebanon is unacceptable. Marginalizing the voice of about half the population is unacceptable. Solving Lebanon’s crisis is the responsibility of all sects in Lebanon. But taking a particular sect for granted is not the solution; it is the start of the problem. Fair political representation is a right for every sect. The meaning of power, by law, is to govern justly and manage the state’s affairs—not for one sect to make all the decisions. It is not in Lebanon’s interest to repeat the scenarios of Assad’s rule, Iranian rule, or even church rule. So, will Sunni leaders in Lebanon, especially with the anniversary of Rafic Hariri’s assassination approaching, use their limited representation in the government to uplift their sect, or will they accept their faith?
